Rafale fighter jet deal contract with France almost ready: Defence ministry

The much-awaited multi-billion Rafale combat aircraft deal with France has moved a step further with the defence ministry finalizing a ‘draft contract’, according to top defence ministry officials.

Rafale was declared the lowest bidder in Janaury 2012 but the deal has not been inked so far on account of escalation in the cost. The Cost Negotiation Committee, which was set up in February 2012 to work out the modalities for the deal has not reached a conclusion after 30 months of negotiations. The government raised its concerns over this last month, during the visit of French foreign minister Laurent Fabius to New Delhi. “Yes, we are in the process of finalizing the draft contract for the deal. And we also expect the Cost Negotiation Committee to submit its report soon,” said a senior defence ministry official, who was privy to the developments. But the official refused to give a time frame for inking the deal. “It is very difficult to predict any date for signing the contract. But, it should happen in the next few months,” the officer said, requesting anonymity. The Indian Air Force (IAF), which is coping with a depleted combat strength, claims that even if the deal is signed by the end of the year the first lot of Rafale aircraft would arrive only by 2017, by which time the IAF would have to phase out its MiG-21 squadrons. The likelihood of an early signing is encouraging. Besides, the ruling NDA government has promised to address all the needs of the armed forces to ensure defence preparedness. According to officials privy to the development, the defence ministry has asked representatives of M/s Dassault Aviation – the French manufacturer of Rafale aircraft – to revise the price structure which has gone beyond expected estimates. Officials claim that when the tender was floated in 2007 the cost of the programme was $12 billion (Rs42,000 crore).When the lowest bidder was declared in January 2012, the cost of the deal shot up to $18 billion (Rs90,000 crore). Now with the inclusion of transfer of technology, the life cycle cost and creation of an assembly line, the deal has climbed to a whopping $20 billion. The air force is seeking to replace its aging MiG-21s with a modern fighter and the medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA) fits between India’s high-end Sukhoi-30MKIs and the low-end Tejas LCA lightweight fighter. The IAF has a sanctioned strength of 45 fighter jet squadrons. However, only 30 squadrons are operational as old aircraft have been retired. Eighteen of the 126 new aircraft are to be purchased directly from Dassault and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited will manufacture 108 under a licence, at a new facility in Bangalore. Defence minister Arun Jaitley informed parliament last week that “given the complexity of the procurement case, the process of negotiations with Dassault Aviation on various aspects of the commercial proposal and provisions of draft contract is on.” Dassault Aviation emerged as L-1 bidder for procurement of the MMRCA based on its quotation.   Source : Defence NEws

Indian defence modernisation plan needs pragmatic action

The Army’s war waging capability is increasingly handicapped. Concerned with dwindling operational preparedness and operationally hard pressed, it wants to induct advanced technology hardware that it perceives would serve its operational needs optimally.   The NDA government has identified defence reforms and building a self sustaining defence industrial base as a priority reform sector. To transform this into reality, it is not so much of the government commitment but its ability to take policy decisions and put processes in place by spurring public and private sector investments through higher indigenisation, transfer of technology, simplifying procedures, etc. The Army’s war waging capability is increasingly handicapped. Concerned with dwindling operational preparedness and operationally hard pressed, it wants to induct advanced technology hardware that it perceives would serve its operational needs optimally. However its efforts at modernising be it combat or combat support arms are hardly encouraging – plagued by procurement and indigenous production delays and lack of timely planning. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence’s figures reveals that the army’s equipment modernisation is steadily falling. In 2008-09, the army spent 27 paisa of every rupee on capital expenditure. This fell to 24 paisa in 2009-10; 23 paisa in 2010-11; 20 paisa in 2012-13 and just 18 paisa in the last two years. Indian army’s mechanised fleet comprises T-72 and T72 M1s Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), T-90S MBTs and indigenously produced Arjun MKI tanks. The main issue facing operational efficiency of mechanised forces are two: night fighting capability and ammunition. Resultantly the army’s ambitious plans to transform from a ‘threat-based to a capability force’ by 2020 are being consistently thwarted as a result of process driven MoD breaucracy and the Army headquarters delays in drawing up credible qualitative requirements. Army’s Modernization Perspective :: Let us take the armour first. Indian army’s mechanised fleet comprises T-72 and T72 M1s Main Battle Tanks (MBTs), T-90S MBTs and indigenously produced Arjun MKI tanks. The main issue facing operational efficiency of mechanised forces are two: night fighting capability and ammunition. In so far as night fighting capability is concerned only the 650-odd Russian T90S MBTs along with indigenously designed Arjun MKI tanks have full solution night fighting capability. T-72 and T72M1s that form the backbone of 59-odd armour regiments along with some 2200 Soviet-designed BMP-II infantry combat vehicles (ICVs) lack night fighting capability. Majority of the T72s await upgrades that will provide them with either full solution thermal imaging fire control systems (TIFCS) or third generation partial solution thermal imaging stand alone systems (TISAS) enabling all weather including night operations. Till date only 620 partial solution TISAS have been acquired. In terms of armour ammunition there is critical deficiency of anti tank ammunition; 125 mm armour piercing fin-stabilised discarding sabot (APFSDS). Indigenous production is held up on account of black listing of Israeli company, resultantly availability of 125 mm APFSDS including war wastage reserves have dropped to critical levels necessitating urgent imports of around 66,000 rounds from Russia at highly inflated prices. Next major deficiency is that of Artillery, where no new gun has been inducted in last three decades. Despite years of attempts at modernisation; army’s artillery profile remains beseeched by the inability to decide on the 155 mm gun to replace the 180-odd field artillery regiments employing as many as six different calibres that are fast approaching obsolescence. Even the 32 artillery regiments equipped with 410 FH-77B 155 mm Bofors guns imported in the late 1980s-are reduced to half following cannibalization owing to the non-availability of spares. Upgradation of approximately 200 Soviet 130 mm M-46 carried out jointly by the Ordnance Factory Board and Soltam of Israel has been unsatisfactory resulting in CBI enquiry. The proposal under the Artillery Rationalisation Plan to acquire by 2020-25 a mix of around 3000-3600; 155mm/39 calibre light weight and 155mm/52 calibre towed, mounted, self-propelled (tracked and wheeled) and ultra light weight 155mm/39 calibre howitzers through imports and local, licensed manufacture have been continually postponed for over a decade. Tenders for almost all these guns have been issued, withdrawn and re-issued, along with several rounds of inconclusive trials. Matters have been further complicated by the MoD completely or partially blacklisting at least four top overseas howitzer manufacturers. The infantry’s F-INSAS (Future Infantry Soldier as a System) project that includes a fully networked, all-terrain, all-weather personal equipment platform as well as enhanced firepower and mobility for the digitalised battlefield of the future continues to be abnormally behind schedule. Similarly eight-odd Special Forces battalions face an identity crisis, operating without a specialised operational mandate, organisational support or “dedicated budget” resulting in piecemeal and incomplete weapon and equipment packages. Adding to the Infantry’s woes is the shortages of credible assault rifles (ARs), carbines, ballistic helmets, lightweight bullet proof jackets and night vision devices. These are largely produced indigenously. Last year the MoD issued a global tender for 66,000, 5.56 mm ARs for an estimated $ 700 million to replace the locally designed Indian Small Arms System (INSAS). The eventual requirement for the proposed AR is expected to be around 2 million units for use not only by the army but also the paramilitary forces and the numerous provincial police forces in a project estimated to cost around $3 billion. Other infantry shortages include; close quarter battle carbines, general purpose machine guns, light-weight anti-materiel rifles, mine protected vehicles, snow scooters for use at heights above 21,000 feet in Siachen, 390,000 ballistic helmets, over 30,000 third generation NVDs, 180,000 lightweight bullet proof jackets together with other assorted ordnance including new generation grenades. Similar is the story of air defence. The bulk of the army’s air defence guns – Bofors L 70s and the Soviet Zu-23-2s and ZUS-23-4s and missiles like the Russian OSA-AK and Kradvat – date back 30-40 years and need replacing. The Army Aviation also faces similar shortages. There is an urgent need to replace obsolete aviation assets like the Chetak and Cheetah helicopters. Acquisition of 197 helicopters under the Army Aviation Corps Vision 2017 was postponed after the procurement of Eurocopter AS 550 C3 Fennec was scrapped in November 2007. Four years later after trials, evaluation and negotiation the contract is under re-assessment featuring Russia’s Kamov 226 and Eurocopter’s AS 550 models, with little chance of early conclusion. Addressing Army’s Modernization Needs :: The major issue that emerges is how will the army get out of the vicious cycle of delays in procurement, and get its modernisation plans back on track. Is it feasible to undertake an all encompassing procurement backed by indigenous production taking the transfer of technology (TOT) route? What are the likely constraints? Let us take a look at the budgetary support first? The Defence Budget for 2014-15 has an allocation of Rs. 2, 29,000 crores ($38 billion) an increase of 12 per cent over the previous year’s allocation. The capital outlay is Rs.94, 588 crores ($15.7 billion), and the remaining allocation of Rs. 1, 34,412 crores is the revenue outlay. The sub allocation of capital outlay to Army is Rs. 20, 655 crores, Navy Rs. 22, 312 crores, Air force Rs. 31,818 crores, DRDO Rs.9298 crores and modernization of Ordnance Factories (OFs) Rs. 1, 207 crores. While the figures might look impressive it needs to be noted that fairly large amount of capital outlays get consumed by committed liabilities leaving fairly modest amounts for new procurements. Second, even if the money was available how can the army make up such huge shortages in any acceptable time frame? Procurement procedures, deciding on vendors for transfer of technology, issues regarding off sets, participation of the private sector and above all skill development are long drawn process which in the best case can take anything from 5 to 7 years. To deal with the problem two critical aspects need to be addressed: One, the nature of future threats both in short-and-medium-to-long-terms basis. If the trigger for conflicts is likely to be unacceptable provocation requiring immediate military response; this requires basic level of preparedness and modernization to deal with such contingencies. Two, the long-term capability needs require a more nuanced and detailed induction perspective more attuned to R&D, technology transfers and indigenous production, etc. The essential take away from the above analysis is two-fold – laying down induction priorities and tri service synergy. [Author Brigadier (Retd.) Arun Sahgal, PhD, is Deputy Director Research and Head, Centre for Strategic Studies and Simulation, at the United Service Institution of India. He is a member of National Task Force on Net Assessment and Simulation, under the NSCS, Government of India.]   Source : Defence News

This Map Shows The US And Russia’s Worldwide Arms-Sales Race

The U.S. and Russia are two of the world’s leading military powers, with defense industries aimed towards maintaining that status. They supply weapons outside of their borders as well, and the countries have turned into the two biggest weapons providers on the planet.

To compare the exports of the two nations, we took numbers from theStockholm International Peace Research Institute for 2012-2013 to see who the two rivals were supplying with weaponry. The U.S. dealt to 59 nations that Russia doesn’t sell or send weaponry to, while Russia dealt to just 16 nations that don’t receive U.S. arms.

There were also 15 countries that recieved weaponry from both the U.S. and Russia, including the notably conflict-prone nations of Afghanistan and Iraq.

Source : Business Insider

The country that recieved the highest dollar amount of U.S. weaponry was the United Arab Emirates, with more than $3.7 billion in arms received over that period. Russia dealt the greatest value of weapons to India, sending more than $13.6 billion.

Overall, the U.S. sent more than $26.9 billion in weaponry to foreign nations while Russia sent a total exceeding $29.7 billion in weaponry around the globe.

Interestingly, the U.S. actually recieved roughly $16 million worth of weaponry from Russia. This was part of a $1 billion helicopter deal the two nations made, so that the U.S. could supply Afghan security forces with equipment they were already more familiar with.

Importantly, SIPRI’s totals don’t measure the cost of the transaction but the cost of the weapons’ production. The numbers are listed as the production value of the weapons sold rather than the amount they were actually sold for.

In addition, SIPRI does not track the transfer of certain small arms.

SIPRI gives several examples to explain their chosen method. In 2009, 6 Eurofighters valued at $55 million each were delivered by Germany to Austria. Therefore the delivery was valued at $330 million, even though the actual transaction likely netted a much higher total.

You can read the full explanation of SIPRI’s calculations here.

To compare, the New York Times listed the overall total of weapons sold by the U.S. worldwide at $66.3 billion. For the same year, SIPRI listed the total, based off of production cost, at roughly $15.4 billion.

US overtakes all to become India’s largest defence supplier

Stunning new figures on Indian defence imports by Defence Minister Arun Jaitley in Parliament on Tuesday have revealed that for the first time, the United States has overtaken all competitors to become India’s largest defence supplier in the past three financial years.

The statistics revealed by Jaitley, who holds dual charge of defence and finance ministries, show that almost 40 per cent of the money spent by India on defence imports in the past three years have gone to the Americans, followed by the Russians (30 per cent) and the French (14 per cent). Israel is a distant fourth with merely 4 per cent share. This reversal – in the past Russia and Israel have remained India’s largest suppliers of weaponry – has come on the back of several mega deals struck by the previous UPA government with US companies in the past three years, primarily using the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) or government-to-government sales route. In terms of actual numbers that have been shared by Jaitley in Rajya Sabha, out of the Rs.83,458 crore spent on defence imports, the US has got Rs.32,615 crore followed by Russia at Rs.25,363 crore. France has managed Rs.12,046 crore while Israel – burdened by blacklisting of several companies on corruption allegations – is at Rs.3,389 crore. The dismal numbers achieved by Israel, which had risen as one of India’s primary suppliers during the NDA regime, are mostly due to a glut in procurement that hit hard with the banning of IMI and the cancellation of a contract to set up an ammunitions factory in Raebareli in UP. The ban on purchasing of Barak missiles has only been recently lifted. The US’ rise to the number one position is after a series of deals inked mostly in the aviation sector. The largest has been the deal for C 17 transporters at $4.7 billion followed by a contract for P 8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft and additional orders for C 130 J special operations aircraft. The Russians have remained steady suppliers despite coming down to number two and have been getting major payments for T 90 tanks, Su 30 MKI fighters as well as a host of other smaller contracts. The French imports have primarily been to upgrade the Mirage fighter fleet for over $2 billion and continued payments for the Scorpene submarines.

Why is India offering to buy more US helicopters

(Reuters) – India has offered to significantly increase an order for U.S. attack helicopters, Indian officials said, as U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel began a visit to New Delhi on Thursday aimed at boosting defence and strategic ties.

The Apache gunships and a deal for Chinook helicopters, both built by Boeing, will top the agenda in Hagel’s talks on Friday with the new administration led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. India has offered a follow-on order of 39 AH-64D Apache helicopters in addition to the 22 now being negotiated, a Defence Ministry official said. The sides have been wrangling over the price of the gunships, however, with the initial deal having been estimated to be worth $1.4 billion. The two countries have rapidly expanded military and business ties in recent years, despite discord over issues such as intellectual property rights and market access. Washington is keen to step up cooperation across the board, seeing India as a strategic partner in the face of an increasingly powerful and assertive China. According to defence research firm IHS Jane’s, India was the top foreign buyer of U.S. arms last year. An Apache deal would be the first big military contract since Modi’s government took office in May. Hagel’s trip follows one by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry last week and is part of the build-up to talks between Modi and President Barack Obama in Washington in September. Hagel’s talks will also cover military exercises and co-production and co-development of armaments and the renewal of a 10-year defence cooperation agreement that runs until 2015. Hagel said the purpose of his visit went beyond arms sales. “Our interests are varied and common – stability, security, economics, possibilities, freedom,” he said en route to India. “I’ll be there, working, yes, our specific issues, but it’s larger … than that.” “WE NEED PARTNERS” Hagel said Asia-Pacific was a region of great opportunities, but also of challenges. “We need partners. We need relationships. That’s the kind of world we live in, and that’s the kind of world that we’re going to be living in.” Speaking to reporters on his plane, Hagel was asked about India’s apparent reluctance to be seen as a full U.S. ally and he replied that Washington was “mindful” of India’s tradition as a independent, non-aligned state. “We’re not trying to change that,” he said. “But…we have common interests, and…we think there’s more potential to build on those common interests.” U.S. officials say there is the potential for billions of dollars of new arms sales in the next few years and hope Modi can overcome bureaucratic obstacles that have held up some. Last month, India’s cabinet cleared a proposal to allow 49 percent foreign participation in the defence industry, up from a current cap of 26 percent. Hagel said he would be looking at whether there would be the potential to go beyond 49 per cent something U.S. defence firms want before allowing technology transfers India craves. The initial batch of Apache helicopters is meant to replace the Indian Air Force’s ageing fleet of Soviet-era aircraft and will be armed with Hellfire and Stinger missiles. The Indian Army has separately requested a fleet of at least 39 of these attack aircraft, some of which will be deployed as part of a new mountain division it is raising along the disputed border with China, an army official said. “The point is we are looking at 60 to 70 pieces eventually, so the expectation is the vendor will factor that in, in the price negotiations,” said the defence ministry official, who asked not to be identified in line with ministry policy. U.S. defence sales to India have grown from the low hundreds of millions of dollars in the decade to 2008 to more than $9 billion since that year.   Source : defencenews.in

US takes aim at Israeli antitank missiles in Indian arms market

NEW DELHI: Israel, better watch out! The US is going all out to shoot down the Israeli ‘Spike’ antitank guided missile (ATGM) with its own “Javelin” missile in the lucrative Indian arms market. Given the huge size of the Indian ATGM project, upwards of $3 billion, Israel is sure to strike back.

But for now, the US seems to have gained the upper hand. After earlier being rebuffed by India for not agreeing to “full” transfer of technology (ToT), the US is now promising to not only “co-produce” the third-generation Javelin ATGMs, but also “co-develop” its fourth-generation version.

“This is an unprecedented offer that we have made only to India, and no one else,” said visiting US defence secretary Chuck Hagel on Saturday, a day after hard-selling joint development and production of advanced weapon systems to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and defence minister Arun Jaitley.

There are already over a dozen such proposals from the US on the table, ranging from the Javelin, MH-60 Romeo multirole helicopters and “big data cybersecurity” to unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), mine-scattering systems and warship guns, which will now be taken forward by the revived bilateral Defence Trade and Technology Initiative (DTTI), as earlier reported by TOI.

US marines carry Javelin missiles close to the Iraqi border in Kuwait in the morning of March 18, 2003 after George W Bush, the-then US president, gave Saddam Hussein 48 hours to leave Iraq. (Getty Images photo)

“I will play an active role in expanding the DTTI because it’s the centerpiece of our defence partnership … As our interests align, so should our armed forces and defence systems. Bureaucratic red-tape must not bound the limits of our partnership,” said Hagel.

But the US will have to contend with Israel, even though it has now displaced the latter as the second-biggest arms supplier to India after Russia. The Indian defence acquisitions council, in fact, had almost finalized the Israeli Spike ATGMs for clearance late last year, after a series of field trials, before the US muscled its way into the race once again.

A rocket from a shoulder fired Javelin missile explodes on a mock target during an army fire power demonstration at Range Control, High Range on September 4, 2009 in Townsville, Australia. (Getty Images photo)

The urgent need for third-generation shoulder-fired ATGMs, which are “fire and forget” missiles, for the 1.13-million strong Indian Army cannot be overstated. The force has a huge shortfall of 44,000 ATGMs of different types, half its authorized inventory at present. Both Pakistan and China, the latter with third-generation ATGMs, are far ahead in the capability to halt and destroy enemy armoured attacks.

The force is currently saddled with second-generation Milan (2km range) and Konkurs (4km) ATGMs, produced by Defence PSU Bharat Dynamics under licence from French and Russian companies. “Being wire-guided, they have to be directed to the target. They are not fire-and-forget missiles,” said an officer.

Moreover, the indigenous third-generation Nag ATGMs, which are vehicle and helicopter-mounted with a 4-km strike range, are still not operational despite being in the making for over 20 years. The Army has already placed an initial order for 443 Nag missiles and 13 Namicas (Nag missile-tracked carriers).

Source : TOI

FDI in defence may go up to 100% if CEO is Indian

Global defence equipment majors such as BAE Systems and Lockheed Martin could set up manufacturing units in India and bring in foreign direct investment (FDI) exceeding 49 per cent, provided the company’s chief executive officer (CEO) is Indian.

As the objective was to let only serious players enter the market, the defence FDI policy approved by the Cabinet on Wednesday categorically stated investee companies should be self-sufficient in product designing and have maintenance and life cycle support facilities for the products they manufactured here, said a senior department of industrial policy and promotion (DIPP) official.

The Union Cabinet had approved an increase in the composite foreign investment cap in the defence sector from 26 per cent to 49 per cent. For investment exceeding 49 per cent, the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) will clear applications on a case-by-case basis.

“It could go up from 49 to 100 per cent, depending on modern and state-of-the-art technology, with the approval of the CCS,” said the DIPP official.

The CCS might consider such proposals only in rare cases in which original equipment manufacturers such as BAE Systems, Lockheed Martin, Airbus Group and Sikorsky intend to set up manufacturing units here.

This is aimed at ensuring only top defence original equipment manufacturers, with robust and proven track records, enter the market, with large-scale investment proposals. The government is hopeful this will not only lead to more manufacturing facilities in the country, but also ensure the life cycle of products is catered to by foreign companies.

The CCS will see to it that the management and control remains with Indian companies in case the FDI exceeds 49 per cent, more so in case it is more than 51 per cent, on a case-by-case basis. The official said in these cases, the CEO had to be Indian.

However, experts say subjective norms such as modern and state-of-the-art technology, self-sufficiency in product designing and maintenance and life cycle facilities will be hurdles to attracting FDI.

Amber Dubey, partner and head of aerospace and defence, KPMG in India, said, “Subjective conditions such as local design, maintenance repair and overhaul, lifecycle support facility and state-of-the-art technology run the risk of interpretation, delays, misuse and litigation. Once an original equipment manufacturer wins a competitive tender, market forces will force these to be transferred to India in stages.” 

Putting onerous preconditions ended up discouraging serious investors, Dubey said, adding the government could, instead, bring in practical checks and balances that would help build a strong defence industrial base in India through 10-15 years. 

“The CEO has to be an Indian national by default, from the perspective of national security and individual accountability. It would be practically difficult to get a CEO of foreign nationality extradited to India and prosecuted in case of an adverse event,” he said. 

Officials said all foreign institutional investment up to 24 per cent would be allowed under the automatic route. The DIPP official said proposals related to FDI exceeding 26 per cent would be approved on a case-to-case basis, apparently due to “national security concerns, as it (defence) is a highly sensitive sector”. 

Since the Indian defence sector was opened to private companies in 2001, barely $5 million of FDI has flowed into it, according to official statistics.

Nayanima Basu in New Delhi

Source:

Defence sector may not attract FDI, fear experts

Centre announced on Wednesday it had raised the composite cap on foreign investment limits in the defence sector from 26 per cent to 49 per cent.

However, experts believe that the move would not result in much overseas money inflows. “Management control will remain in Indian hands.

All proposals above 26 per cent will have to obtain approval from FIPB (Foreign Investment Promotion Board),” a senior official told Business Standard.

The official added that proposals above 26 per cent will be approved on a case-to-case basis.

This was apparently done keeping in mind “national security concerns because it (defence) is a highly sensitive sector”.

Apparently, the limit has been raised without any condition on mandatory technology transfer.

The government now hopes that foreign defence equipment makers will set up manufacturing facilities here, reducing the country’s dependence on import.

India is one of the largest military equipment importers in the world, at over $8 billion a year. Its defence budget has grown at an average of 13.4 per cent annually since 2006-07.

“Good development but not great,” said Amber Dubey, partner and India head of aerospace and defence, KPMG.

“Forty-nine per cent is the same as 26 per cent technically and, hence, might not open the investment floodgates.”

“It could create the same issues of ‘sleeping partners’ and ‘effective control’ with foreign companies as we have seen in the case of the airline sector. The best option would have been allowing 74 per cent FDI with adequate checks and balances like domestic staffing, domestic value addition and controls over exports.”

Dubey also stated that although India imports fully built fighter jets, attack helicopters, aircraft carriers and submarines from original equipment manufacturers, it should not be an issue to let them set up shop here with full ownership and control.

In July last year, former UPA government in a high-level meeting under then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had also allowed hike in FDI limit in the defence sector. But the proposal was not passed by the Cabinet officially.

Source:

Govt doubles NSG commando strength in each of four hubs

The NSG crack commando strength has been almost doubled to 460 personnel each stationed at select hubs in Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata and Hyderabad to undertake quick and swift counter-terror or counter-hijack operations. 

The hubs in these cities, covering key areas, were set up in the aftermath of the November 2008 Mumbai terror attacks during which the elite force came under criticism for slow response time. 

“It has been decided to reinforce the strength of each of the four regional hubs from 241 to 460 personnel with immediate effect,” the Union Home Ministry said in its annual report for 2013-14 tabled in Parliament yesterday.

All the four hubs were made operational in 2009 by the Home Ministry after residential and training infrastructure was developed in these hubs for commandos and other administrative staff of the National Security Guard (NSG), a federal contingency force that was raised in 1984 to undertake special missions against terrorists and hijackers.

Specially trained commandos of the NSG counter-terror taskforce have been since stationed at these locations and they are armed with sophisticated weapons, communication gadgetry and other logistics to launch themselves in an combat scenario at a short notice.

Hyderabad and Chennai hubs have also been upgraded to the level of regional centres with 600 acres and 34.31 acres of land allotted to NSG in these cities respectively. 

The force is also mulling to finalise a land for its fifth hub that could come up in Gujarat near Ahmedabad.

Indian Armed Forces : Indian Defence

US eyes big-ticket arms deals during Hagel’s visit

With US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel set to visit India tomorrow, noted American experts said his maiden trip to the country, in the early days of the new government, will give a much-needed thrust to the Indo-US defense ties.

Hagel, the second US cabinet minister to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi, this week, will be accompanied by a high-power delegation of military leadership. The Defense Secretary, during his three-day visit will hold talks with Defence Minister Arun Jaitley, and is also expected to meet National Security Advisor Ajit K Doval and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj. “The purpose of this trip is to nurture the relationship and not to ink any deal,” Pentagon Press Secretary, Rear Admiral John Kirby told PTI ahead of the trip. Hagel’s meetings will focus on the converging interests of India and the US in the Asia Pacific, their common interests in Afghanistan and initiatives to strengthen bilateral defense cooperation, including military exercises, defense, trade, co-production and co-development, and research and new technologies, Kirby said. Assistant Secretary of State for Political Military Affairs, Puneet Talwar will also accompany Hagel. “Bilateral defence ties are stronger than they have ever been, and poised to deepen further,” said Alyssa Ayres, senior fellow for India, Pakistan, and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relation. “On matters of strategy, a high-fidelity conversation between Hagel and Jaitley about regional security will build confidence between the two new counterparts,” Ayres said. According to Richard M Rossow, Wadhwani Chair in US India Policy Studies, at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, India US defense ties have been the ballast for the relationship in the last year. “Losing the MMRCA bid was painful, but the Department of Defense rebounded quickly, launching the Defense Trade Technology Initiative (DTTI). Defense sales by American firms are increasing, and joint exercises – highlighted by the recent Exercise Malabar,” he said. “Anything really big that is close to ready for announcement would typically be held for when the two heads of state meet in September,” Rossow said.   Source: Defencenews