Archive for November, 2015

China has signed a 10-year agreement that will allow it to set up and use a naval logistics base in Djibouti, an enclave-sized African nation near the strategic maritime chokepoint connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden. With this, Beijing has overturned its long proclaimed policy that China would never set up overseas military bases.

 

Chinese military bases are sprouting all over the South China Sea, which Beijing claims as its own. The Djibouti base will be overseas even by China’s own definition. China has drawn a thin veil over its Indian Ocean base by claiming it is designed to support anti-piracy activities. But no one should take that claim seriously. The Somali pirates’ problem has almost disappeared.

 

New Delhi has accepted Beijing has legitimate security concerns and interests regarding the Indian Ocean. India has also urged a multilateral dialogue on China’s other concerns about the Indian Ocean.

 

China, however, has declined to discuss the issue and preferred to woo littoral countries, while developing maritime capacities in and around the ocean. India can only presume that China sees their respective military and political influence in this region as a zero sum game.

 

Beijing’s strategists argue that the slow but steady withdrawal of US naval power from the Indian Ocean means that China must take up some of these policing activities. They also argue India is not up to the task. The sorry record of India’s investment in naval power makes it difficult for New Delhi to argue otherwise.

 

Ultimately, however, India must do a lot more to expand its influence in the ocean that bears its name. This is not merely about warships. It is also about cementing political and economic ties with strategically important littoral countries.

 

China had claimed it would not be a great power in the Western imperial tradition. With each passing year this is being shown to be untrue. If anything, Beijing is an imperial nation on steroids. Even though the Indian Ocean is a tertiary theatre for Beijing, the Djibouti agreement is a reminder that New Delhi should not presume that will last much longer.

Source Hindustan Times

Advertisements

The recommendations of a Defence Ministry task force, set up to identify Indian private companies as strategic partners for development of critical military platforms such as aircraft, warships and armoured fighting vehicles, are likely to be contentious.

The Aatre task force, expected to submit its report this week, has proposed weightages and assets criteria which allow only a few Indian private defence manufacturers to qualify for strategic partnerships. The financial criteria finalised by the task force will shut out a large number of other manufacturers.

By entering into a strategic partnership with chosen Indian private firms, the government will give them a firm commitment and do away with the system of awarding contracts to lowest bidder for these military platforms.

Headed by the former chief of DRDO, V K Aatre, this task force was set up in September by the Defence Ministry as per the recommendations of the Dhirendra Singh committee on changes to the Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP).

 

The Dhirendra Singh committee suggested that a designated task force should select an Indian strategic partner for the development of a particular platform, and each strategic partner should be restricted to only one platform to allow for development of structured capabilities in the Indian industry.

“We are on course to submit the report to the defence ministry in the next few days. It is up to the defence ministry when and how it releases our recommendations,” V K Aatre told The Indian Express.

According to sources, the Aatre task force has recommended that there should be 15 strategic partners selected for defence manufacturing.

The Dhirendra Singh committee had identified six areas for strategic partnership — aircraft, warships, submarines, armoured fighting vehicles, complex weapons that rely on guidance system, C4ISTR and critical materials — but the Aatre task force has further divided these six areas into 15 sub-segments. Each sub-segment will have one strategic partner from Defence PSUs and private businesses.

It has recommended formation of two committees to evaluate the private companies for strategic partnership: an evaluation committee and an on-site committee. The evaluation committee will evaluate a private company on three criteria, each with different weightages: 50 per cent on technical criteria, 30 per cent on financial criteria and 20 per cent on platform specific criteria.

The most contentious among these is the financial criteria, where the task force has recommended that the foreign holding for listed companies should be less than 5 per cent, while no foreign holding should be allowed in an unlisted company. To qualify for strategic partnership, a listed company should have annual assets worth at least Rs 750 crore during the last three years while the corresponding figure for a unlisted company is Rs 250-500 crore. The annual turnover during the last three years for a listed company has been recommended at Rs 4,000 crore for a listed company and Rs 1,000 crore for an unlisted company.

“A 5 per cent foreign holding for strategic partnership goes contrary to the government’s FDI policy of 49 per cent in defence production. This implies that only transfer of technology will be allowed, which is not very encouraging,” said the vice president of a private Indian defence company which is hoping to become a strategic partner.

Among other conditions recommended by the task force, a listed company should have an “A” CRISIL rating, capital assets of Rs 2,000 crore and a revenue growth of five per cent annually during the last three years. The total outside debt to net worth ratio has been recommended to be capped at 1:1.

The task force has also suggested that no cross-holding should be permitted between strategic partners and the original equipment manufacturer should not be allowed to hold any FDI in the Indian strategic partner company.

Sources said the task force has also recommended that the management of the company, i.e., board members, CEO, Director etc., should be only of Indian citizens. In case of default, the task force has opined that the Intellectual Property Rights of the strategic partner should be taken over by the government, thus enabling the government to be the sole owner of the company.

Defence ministry sources say that while recommendations of the Aatre task force are expected to be a highlight of DPP-2015, the ministry will take a final call on whether to accept its recommendations either fully or partially. On Saturday, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar had announced that the new DPP-2015 will be released by his ministry by middle of December.

SOURCE Indian Express

 

“Our investment in indigenous research and development and engineering is starting to pay off, says Lakshmikumar, Founder, Tonbo

 

Defence is a tough business to crack, unless you are one of the biggest defence contractors. Tonbo Imaging, a startup backed by Artiman Ventures of the U.S., has done just that. The Bengaluru-based maker of advanced night vision systems has won multimillion dollars contracts by building cutting edge technology products. Tonbo now has a pipeline of orders worth more than $50 million (Rs.331 crore) from Indian and international customers including DARPA, an advanced-technology branch of the U.S. Department of Defense. Its products are being used on observation platforms, reconnaissance drones, and artillery and naval weapon systems. “The fact that our technology was embraced by all these agencies has given us the thrust to leapfrog foreign competitors,” said Tonbo founder Arvind Lakshmikumar, whose startup won these contracts after competing alongside large defence firms such as Thales, Elbit and Tata Group. “Our investment in indigenous research and development and engineering is starting to pay off,” he said.

 

According to Mr. Lakshmikumar, the firm has reached an ‘inflection point’ this year. He said the company was valued at $200 million (Rs.1,324 crore).

 

It expects to cross revenue of about $26 million (Rs.172 crore) this year.

 

“This makes us one of the largest privately held electro-optics companies in the world and the largest in India,” said Mr. Lakshmikumar, an alumnus of BITS Pilani and Carnegie Mellon University.

 

Tonbo, which is the only indigenous manufacturer and exporter of thermal imaging-based devices, is currently on every electro-optics and night vision program of significance in India, both in the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Defence.

 

Rajiv Chib, Director for Aerospace and Defence Practice at PricewaterhouseCoopers, said it has been an ‘uphill task for startups’ to make a mark in the Indian defence market. Most of them usually work with the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and defence public sector units as sub vendors, he said.

 

Tonbo had moved up the value chain by directly providing its products to the Ministry of Defence, Mr. Chib said, adding that it had been able to make inroads in the Indian defence market as it also serves international customers.

 

“Tonbo’s model should be emulated by other Indian startups as well,” he said.

 

Iron Man

 

Tonbo’s technology has gained traction from various defence ministries and forces in countries such as Singapore, France and Turkey. “I am quite fascinated with the folks at Tonbo. Arvind (Lakshmikumar) is like Tony Stark from the Iron Man. He and his team churn out pretty cool new technologies,” said General (retd.) Lucas Arnold, who has been a customer of Tonbo, while serving as a commander with NATO. General Arnold is now again a customer of Tonbo’s surveillance systems through the U.S.-based security firm Chevronstar, where he serves as Chairman. “High end night vision is a serious business and I have not seen technology like this emerge from places outside of a few classified labs in the U.S.,” said General Arnold.

 

Mr. Lakshmikumar, 39, previously worked at firms like Intelligent Automation, Honeywell and Sarnoff in the U.S. There, he built various imaging innovations for large defence contractors such as Boeing and Lockheed Martin. He was also a part of government-funded programs such as Future Combat Systems intended to prepare the U.S. Army for modern warfare.

 

He then returned home and in 2008 started Tonbo, which means dragonfly in Japanese. It is now the only Indian company whose night vision systems will be featured for the Indian Navy’s 12.7 mm remote controlled gun platforms.

 

The Navy will deploy the platform on ships to fight against pirates and terrorists. Mr. Lakshmikumar said Tonbo had also become the electro-optics supplier of choice to bidders on the Indian Army’s Futuristic Infantry Combat Vehicle program. The almost $10 billion (Rs.66,210 crore) project is slated to be the largest indigenous defence program.

 

Backed by marquee investor Artiman Ventures, Tonbo has offices in Bengaluru, Palo Alto and Singapore. With the help of about 85 employees, it builds and deploys advanced imaging and sensor systems such as smart cameras that sense, understand and control complex environments. To put that in perspective, these systems allow soldiers to see during day and night, through fog and foliage, and do real-time interpretation of battlefield environment. General Arnold of Chevronstar said that since night vision technology was a highly restricted item, any company that builds them was under scrutiny from technology watchers and policy makers.

 

“Their name does the rounds in these circles frequently.”

 

Europe’s largest defence contractor BAE Systems, auto-parts maker Visteon Corp and Autoliv are also Tonbo’s customers.

 

“Their product design is far from the traditional low-cost Indian products,” said Bien Thng, an executive at defence contractor and customer Pretech.

 

Source: The Hindu

NEW DELHI: A two-decade-old Rs 90 cr Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) program has proved a dud, with the Indian Army shelving the system and cancelling any further orders after three of the four systems supplied by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) ended up in crashes. As a result, DRDO may need to write off a Rs 5 crore overspend it incurred on the project in the hope of recovering the money from the maintenance and servicing of the systems.

 

The Nishant UAV program, which has been in the works since 1995, was launched with the aim of providing the Army with indigenous systems for reconnaissance and intelligence gathering. While four of the UAVs were inducted in 2011 after a long delay, at least three are confirmed to have crashed. The last one went down on November 4 in Jaisalmer.

 

According to documents accessed by ET, the Army has now told DRDO that it will not need any additional Nishant systems, junking phase II of the programme under which eight more UAVs were to be delivered. The first phase of the programme cost Rs 90 cr. “The user has stated that there is no requirement of additional Nishant UAV systems, therefore the phase 2 of the project is closed and no more funds are going to come for this project,” a letter sent to the Aeronautical Development Establishment (ADE) by DRDO headquarters reads.

 

While DRDO was hopeful of selling eight more aircraft and two more ground systems to the Army, with the cancellation of the order it will now have to write off at least Rs 5 cr of the development costs that it overspent. A blame game is on between the DRDO and the Army over the three crashes. In the past DRDO has blamed poor handling by the army for the loss of at least two systems. However, the army has contended that the system has failed to perform and has technical problems during the recovery phase that have not been sorted out. The latest crash of the system took place with a DRDO operator present and was clearly due to the failure of the parachute recovery system that resulted in the loss of the Rs 22 cr aircraft, people familiar with the matter said.

Source: ET

France’s Safran SA has shelved plans to make engine parts for Rafale combat aircraft in India after Prime Minister Narendra Modi scaled back purchases of the warplane.

 

The company won’t make the components with state-run Indian defense contractor Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. since the nation has ordered only 36 jets rather the more lucrative 126 originally mooted, according to Safran’s India Chief Executive Officer Stephane Lauret.

 

“The plan we’re supposed to do in Bangalore, we won’t do it for this 36 aircraft deal,” Lauret said in an interview in New Delhi. “But we’ll continue to have other business with them. We have other projects with Hindustan Aeronautics.”

 

The Paris-based business in February said the companies were in joint venture talks to build a 30,000-square-meter plant for jet engine components in India, focused first on the Safran engines powering Dassault Aviation SA’s Rafales. The impact of the scaled down Rafale order shows the challenge Modi faces of turning interest in local arms manufacturing into actual output, as the nation strains to fund defense modernization.

 

Multiple calls to Hindustan Aeronautics spokesman Gopal Sutar seeking comment went unanswered.

 

Modi has eased restrictions on foreign direct investment in defense manufacturing since taking office in May last year. He’s cleared plans to acquire about $60 billion of weapons, with talks to finalize the purchase of the 36 Rafales continuing. The premier is striving for increased regional heft to counter neighbors China and Pakistan.

 

India’s need for new jets is increasingly urgent: About a third of its 650-plane fleet is more than 40 years old and set to retire in the next decade.

 

Policy Steps

 

Modi’s policy steps have stirred interest. Boeing Co. and Tata Advanced Systems Ltd. said Nov. 9 they plan to make aircraft parts jointly in India, including the body of Apache attack helicopters. Germany’s Atlas Elektronik GmbH is tying up with one of billionaire Anil Ambani’s defense companies with a goal of making an advanced torpedo locally.

 

Safran’s other objectives in India include offering maintenance and repair services for aircraft engines, Lauret said in the interview last month.

 

Civil Engines

 

“We’re looking at manufacturing parts of our civil engines in India,” he also said. “We’ll have more partnerships with private companies.”

 

India may purchase a type of Russian military helicopter powered by Safran engines. The company says it employs more than 2,600 people in India across eight businesses and joint ventures. Shares in Safran, which makes engines for Airbus Group SE and Boeing short-haul jets, have climbed about 29 percent this year. They fell 0.4 percent as of 9:10 a.m. in Paris.

 

“I came to head Indian operations more or less with Modi coming to power,” Lauret said. “Defense deals could move faster, but things are moving.”

Source: Bloomberg

NEW DELHI: The government is set to give the two consortia selected to set up semiconductor wafer plants a four-month deadline to raise funds and show their ability to handle the critical project which is the first step towards indigenous electronicsproduction.
The fabrication plants are the cornerstone of the Make in India plan for strategic electronics that will involve the defence, space and cyber security sectors, besides meeting the massive demand of the civil sector.
While the two consortia – led by HSMC Technologies India and Jaiprakash Associates– had been identified by the previous UPA government to set up the fabrications plants, they have failed convince officials on their ability to raise the heavy investments needed to set up shop. By conservative estimates, the cost would exceed Rs 60,000 crore.
The government is set to give both companies a four-month deadline starting late November to show an investments of at least Rs 1,000 crore or face cancellation of the entire project, people with knowledge of the matter said.
“There is no confidence on the ability of either company to raise funds for a very capital intensive project. We are being left with no option but to give them a final deadline or deal with cancellation,” a senior government functionary told ET.
Sources said the government is aware that starting the process of selecting fresh companies for the fabrication project is cumbersome and could take up to two years, but there is little choice left as both selected companies have been struggling to put the project together.
While the two companies had submitted the project reports for the setting up of plants, several red flags were raised by a high level panel formed by the NDA government to look into the matter.
In the absence of the fabrication plants, plans to vitalise the electronics manufacturing sector in India will not take off. The units were to produce chips, the basic building material of all electronics products from mobile phones to complicated defence systems.

As reported by ET, India has been considering a proposal to make it mandatory for the strategic sectors of Defence, Space and Atomic Energy to use ‘made in India’ chips in an initiative that will meet not only national security needs but also take care of concerns of the fabrication units about the demand for their products.

Source: Economic Times

 

·

In what is likely to be the first major ‘Make in India’ project in defence, the defence ministry is about to sign a deal with the US government to assemble 145 BAE Systems M777 155mm/39mm calibre lightweight howitzers in India.

Estimated to be worth $700 million, the deal is being done through the Foreign Military Sales route and a draft Letter of Acceptance (LoA) has been agreed upon between the Pentagon and the defence ministry.

The ministry had given BAE Systems, the manufacturer of M777 artillery guns, till October 31 to submit its offset agreements with local companies.

This includes the Indian company to whom BAE Systems will transfer its M777 assembly, integration and test (AIT) facilities from Hattiesburg, Mississippi (US).

BAE Systems has entered into MoUs with over 40 Indian companies to fulfill the offset requirement, which are 30 per cent of the contract value. The Indian partner for the AIT facilities, where 70 per cent of M777 gun’s assembly will be completed, is yet to be announced.

“Several companies have the capabilities to perform such work and BAE Systems is evaluating proposals. Establishing an AIT facility in India will lay a foundation to expand future work content in India, potentially leading to M777s for India and for possible export,” Mark Simpkins, Vice-President & General Manager-India, BAE Systems, told The Indian Express.

The LoA is expected to be inked later this year, nearly eight years after the M777 purchase was mooted during the UPA-1 regime. The Army hopes to get the first guns within six months of the signing of the LOA, so it can work out the Range Table Development and start training the artillery units.

The draft LoA — which contains delivery schedules, guarantees, after-sales technical services and spares support — was sent by Pentagon in August this year after defence ministry issued a letter of request in June. A fresh LoA had to be negotiated after an earlier LoA was cancelled in October 2013 due to differences over gun’s pricing. Price had become a major factor after defence ministry’s delay in placing the order of the M777 gun. With no other global orders, BAE Systems had, in 2013, suspended its facilities at Barrow-in-Furness, northern England, where around 30 per cent of the gun is fabricated.

According to defence ministry sources, the overall price for M777 now is around 6-8 percent above the price previously offered in 2013. But the previous LoA did not have any provision for assembling the guns in India. With the AIT facilities included now, defence ministry sees the current deal as a totally different one.

Weighing only 4,200 kg, the M777 gun is a lightweight howitzer which can be carried via a sling on the Chinook helicopters. India had signed the deal for 15 Chinook helicopters during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the US in September.

The light weight of M777 guns comes from its barrel made out of Titanium and other proprietary metallurgical technologies held by the United States. Even for the guns which will be assembled in India, the barrel will continue to be manufactured at the US government facility at Watervliet Arsenal near New York.

The acquisition of M777 guns has acquired utmost priority because of shortfalls of artillery guns needed to equip army’s new Mountain Strike Corps on China border, which is currently being raised as per schedule. The shortfall in combat equipment for units deployed on China border in Eastern Command was on the agenda of the army commanders’ conference earlier this month. According to some senior army officers present in the conference, the lack of artillery guns – particularly the delayed acquisition of lightweight M777 howitzers – had led to a heated discussion about their availability.

Source: Indian Express

New Delhi: To ensure transparency, government will soon allow foreign defence firms to appoint agents but the companies will have to upfront mention the “reasonable” renumeration to be paid and won’t be allowed to dole out any bonus or success fees,Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar said.

Drawing a distinction between agents and middlemen, he said the government will not leave room for any “hanky-panky”.

“Agents do not mean middlemen. There will be scope for a company to appoint an agent to represent it or to get over technical difficulties by paying him or her reasonable fees which will have to be mentioned upfront,” Parrikar told PTI in an interview.

He said that the new Defence Procurement Procedure, which is in final stages of completion, will clearly define the role of agents.

He agreed that there is already a provision for agents legally but said, “In short, agent word was there but without clearly defining what his role would be. It was not very well defined. That is being defined properly.”

The Defence Minister said that appointment of agents does not mean that defence firms are allowed to give commissions or something like that.

“Sometimes you cannot open office because the quantum of business does not justify an office. So how do you deal here? You can’t send a person from foreign country here all the time. So hence this is a provision but it does not allow any hanky-panky,” Parrikar said.

He said agents’ fees will have to be mentioned upfront and success fee, bonus or any such payments will not be allowed.

“Not even penalty for failure. Sometimes, you give upfront and then get it back through penalty if work is not done,” he said.

The government’s move will bring in much-needed transparency, even if limited, in the murky world of multi- billion dollars defence contracts where middlemen have had a field day, defence experts said.

Source PTI

Tata Motors had considered itself a frontrunner for a contract worth Rs. 50,000 crore to design and build a future infantry combat vehicle (FICV) for the Indian Army. However, the company’s plans appear to have taken a big hit.

Here’s the problem. Tata Motors’ consolidated turnover and profit made it eligible to participate in the contest to win India’s biggest ‘Make’ category defence project. The company’s turnover of Rs. 2,63,695 crore and net profit of Rs. 13,986 crore included figures of its UK-based subsidiary Jaguar Land Rover (JLR).

However, the defence ministry has issued a note saying that domestic operation alone would count whilst evaluating a company’s commercial eligibility and strength – a key determinant for who will win the FICV project. This will prevent participating vendors from claiming credit for overseas income and profits and also from any operations other than manufacturing. Such income usually appears in company balance sheets as ‘other income’.

Tata Motors’ turnover from domestic operations stood at Rs. 38,176 crore. Further, the company made a loss of Rs. 4,739 crore. This note might mean that Tata Motors is now ineligible to participate in the contest.

According to the Defence Procurement Policy of 2008 (DPP-2008), under which the FICV project falls, Indian private companies need to be registered for minimum 10 years, have capital assets in India of at least Rs. 100 crore and a turnover greater than Rs. 1,000 crore for each of the preceding three years, and a minimum credit rating equivalent to a CRISIL/ICRA ‘A’ to be eligible to participate. Additionally, it requires the company to have consistent profitable financial record showing profits in at least three years of the last five years and with no accumulated losses.

Tata Motors’ loss of Rs. 4,739 crore last year is greater than the profits of the four preceding years.

The FICV is a tracked, armoured vehicle, operated by three crew members, which can carry eight combat-equipped infantrymen into battle. The vehicles weight is not specified, but it would have to be less than 18-20 tonnes. It is required to be amphibious, must be air-portable in the air force’s IL-76 and C-17 aircraft, and have the capability to fire anti-tank guided missiles that destroy tanks at ranges of 4,000 metres. After approval, 2,600 FICVs will be produced to replace the BMP-2 vehicles.

The ten top contenders for the construction of the FICV include Bharat Forge, Larsen & Toubro, Mahindra & Mahindra, Ordnance Factory Board, Pipavav Defence & Offshore Engineering, Punj Lloyd, Rolta India, Tata Motors, Tata Power (SED) and Titagarh Wagons.

Source: Business Standard

With as many as 120 warheads, Pakistan could in a decade become the world’s third-ranked nuclear power, behind the United States and Russia, but ahead of China, France and Britain. Its arsenal is growing faster than any other country’s, and it has become even more lethal in recent years with the addition of small tactical nuclear weapons that can hit India and longer-range nuclear missiles that can reach farther.

These are unsettling truths. The fact that Pakistan is also home to a slew of extremist groups, some of which are backed by a paranoid security establishment obsessed with India, only adds to the dangers it presents for South Asia and, indeed, the entire world.

Persuading Pakistan to rein in its nuclear weapons program should be an international priority. The major world powers spent two years negotiating an agreement to restrain the nuclear ambitions of Iran, which doesn’t have a single nuclear weapon. Yet there has been no comparable investment of effort in Pakistan, which, along with India, has so far refused to consider any limits at all.

The Obama administration has begun to address this complicated issue with greater urgency and imagination, even though the odds of success seem small. The meeting at the White House on Oct. 22 between President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif of Pakistan appears to have gone nowhere. Yet it would be wrong not to keep trying, especially at a time of heightened tensions between Pakistan and India over Kashmir and terrorism.

What’s new about the administration’s approach is that instead of treating the situation as essentially hopeless, it is casting about for the elements of a possible deal in which each side would get something it wants. For the West, that means restraint by Pakistan and greater compliance with international rules for halting the spread of nuclear technology. For Pakistan, that means some acceptance in the family of nuclear powers and access to technology.

At the moment, Pakistan is a pariah in the nuclear sphere to all but China; it has been punished internationally ever since it followed India’s example and tested a weapon in 1998. Pakistan has done itself no favors by refusing to join the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and by giving nuclear know-how to bad actors like North Korea. Yet, it is seeking treatment equal to that given to India by the West.

For decades, India was also penalized for developing nuclear weapons. But attitudes shifted in 2008 when the United States, seeking better relations with one of the world’s fastest-growing economies as a counterweight to China, gave India a pass and signed a generous nuclear cooperation deal that allowed New Delhi to buy US nuclear energy technology.

US officials say they are not offering Pakistan an India-like deal, which would face stiff opposition in Congress, but are discussing what Pakistan needs to do to justify US support for its membership in the 48-nation Nuclear Supplier Group, which governs trade in nuclear fuel and technology.

As a first step, one US official said, Pakistan would have to stop pursuing tactical nuclear weapons, which are more likely to be used in a conflict with India and could more easily fall into the hands of terrorists, and halt development of long-range missiles. Pakistan should also sign the treaty banning nuclear weapons tests.

Such moves would undoubtedly be in Pakistan’s long-term interest. It cannot provide adequate services for its citizens because it spends about 25 percent of its budget on defense. Pakistan’s army, whose chief of staff is due to visit Washington this month, says it needs still more nuclear weapons to counter India’s conventional arsenal.

The competition with India, which is adding to its own nuclear arsenal, is a losing game, and countries like China, a Pakistan ally, should be pushing Pakistan to accept that. Meanwhile, Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister, has done nothing to engage Islamabad on security issues, and he also bears responsibility for current tensions. The nuclear arms race in South Asia, which is growing more intense, demands far greater international attention.

Source: ET